The Sources of Social Power: Volume 3, Global Empires and Revolution, 1890-1945

The Sources of Social Power: Volume 3, Global Empires and Revolution, 1890-1945

Language: English

Pages: 520

ISBN: 1107655471

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub

Distinguishing four sources of power - ideological, economic, military, and political - this series traces their interrelations throughout human history. This third volume of Michael Mann's analytical history of social power begins with nineteenth century global empires and continues with a global history of the twentieth century up to 1945. Mann focuses on the interrelated development of capitalism, nation-states, and empires. Volume 3 discusses the "Great Divergence" between the fortunes of the West and the rest of the world; the self-destruction of European and Japanese power in two world wars; the Great Depression; the rise of American and Soviet power; the rivalry between capitalism, socialism, and fascism; and the triumph of a reformed and democratic capitalism.

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socio-political structures that facilitated widespread peasant revolts against landlords” (1979: 154). She saw both of these as necessary causes of revolution, and that combined, they are a sufficient cause. When both are present, revolution necessarily results. She argued that her three states were all fighting costly, losing wars that weakened and divided them, making them vulnerable. This is now generally accepted, but she says that the insurrectionary movement came from agrarian class

discontent followed by the seizure of so much land meant that peasants would not aid repression of the revolutionaries in the cities. This was indeed a necessary condition for a successful revolution. However, this revolution was accomplished by the seizure of state power, above all in the two capital cities, and that was the work of industrial and other urban workers, urban intellectuals, and army and navy contingents that were not mostly formed of peasants. The war immobilized the bulk of the

in maintaining the revolution as in making it. That revolutionary soldiers had kept their guns and distributed some to sympathetic workers had enabled revolution. Now the Bolsheviks held onto weapons through the Red Guards and other formations. This gave them power they held onto through the civil war that followed. The military march toward one-party despotism had begun, perverting the direction of their route. The combination meant that after the revolution, and after a short period of

Teutonic Knights in Lithuania fit especially well into my definition of empire. For the core, war was profitable, and it also exported younger wellborn sons, militarily trained but without inheritances – the juvenes and milites who otherwise caused trouble at court. They could be sent off to conquer new lands, just as accompanying traders could conquer new markets and priests new souls. In this colonial expansion, the settlers often became autonomous, founding their own states in the periphery,

especially those educated abroad, plus reform-minded officials and military officers. However, their nationalism had little resonance among the landlord-official class dominating the provinces. Political divisions within Chinese elites widened, especially in the aftermath of the failed Boxer uprising against the foreign imperialists in 1904. The court promised a constitution but failed to deliver. The result was the 1911 Revolution, a political not social revolution (Skocpol, 1979), confined to

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